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《美国独立宣言》原文与译文

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zhuzige 发表于 2010-5-5 20:48 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式 来自: 中国–北京–北京 联通

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原文翻译

1776年7月4日北美原十三个英属殖民地一致通过的《独立宣言》原文:


  在有关人类事务的发展过程中,当一个民族必须解除其和另一个民族之间的政治联系,并在世界各国之间依照自然法则和上帝的意旨,接受独立和平等的地位时,出于人类舆论的尊重,必须把他们不得不独立的原因予以宣布。


  我们认为下面这些真理是不言而喻的:人人生而平等,造物者赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利,其中包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。为了保障这些权利,人类才在他们之间建立government,而government之正当权力,是经被治理者的同意而产生的。当任何形式的government对这些目标具破坏作用时,人民便有权力改变或废除它,以建立一个新的government;其赖以奠基的原则,其组织权力的方式,务使人民认为唯有这样才最可能获得他们的安全和幸福。为了慎重起见,成立多年的government,是不应当由于轻微和短暂的原因而予以变更的。过去的一切经验也都说明,任何苦难,只要是尚能忍受,人类都宁愿容忍,而无意为了本身的权益便废除他们久已习惯了的government。但是,当追逐同一目标的一连串滥用职权和强取豪夺发生,证明government企图把人民置于专制统治之下时,那么人民就有权利,也有义务推翻这个government,并为他们未来的安全建立新的保障--这就是这些殖民地过去逆来顺受的情况,也是它们现在不得不改变以前government制度的原因。当今大不列颠国王的历史,是接连不断的伤天害理和强取豪夺的历史,这些暴行的唯一目标,就是想在这些州建立专制的暴政。为了证明所言属实,现把下列事实向公正的世界宣布--


  他拒绝批准对公众利益最有益、最必要的法律。


  他禁止他的总督们批准迫切而极为必要的法律,要不就把这些法律搁置起来暂不生效,等待他的同意;而一旦这些法律被搁置起来,他对它们就完全置之不理。


  他拒绝批准便利广大地区人民的其它法律,除非那些人民情愿放弃自己在立法机关中的代表权;但这种权利对他们有无法估量的价值,而且只有暴君才畏惧这种权利。


  他把各州立法团体召集到异乎寻常的、极为不便的、远离它们档案库的地方去开会,唯一的目的是使他们疲于奔命,不得不顺从他的意旨。


  他一再解散各州的议会,因为它们以无畏的坚毅态度反对他侵犯人民的权利。


  他在解散各州议会之后,又长期拒绝另选新议会;但立法权是无法取消的,因此这项权力仍由一般人民来行使。其实各州仍然处于危险的境地,既有外来侵略之患,又有发生内乱之忧。


  他竭力抑制我们各州增加人口;为此目的,他阻挠外国人入籍法的通过,拒绝批准其它鼓励外国人移居各州的法律,并提高分配新土地的条件。


  他拒绝批准建立司法权力的法律,藉以阻挠司法工作的推行。


  他把法官的任期、薪金数额和支付,完全置于他个人意志的支配之下。


  他建立新官署,派遣大批官员,骚扰我们人民,并耗尽人民必要的生活物质。


  他在和平时期,未经我们的立法机关同意,就在我们中间维持常备军。


  他力图使军队独立于民政之外,并凌驾于民政之上。


  他同某些人勾结起来把我们置于一种不适合我们的体制且不为我们的法律所承认的管辖之下;他还批准那些人炮制的各种伪法案来达到以下目的:


  在我们中间驻扎大批武装部队;


  用假审讯来包庇他们,使他们杀害我们各州居民而仍然逍遥法外;


  切断我们同世界各地的贸易;


  未经我们同意便向我们强行征税;


  在许多案件中剥夺我们享有陪审制的权益;


  罗织罪名押送我们到海外去受审;


  在一个邻省废除英国的自由法制,在那裹建立专制government,并扩大该省的疆界,企图把该省变成既是一个样板又是一个得心应手的工具,以便进而向这里的各殖民地推行同样的极权统治;


  取消我们的宪章,废除我们最宝贵的法律,并且根本上改变我们各州government的形式;


  中止我们自己的立法机关行使权力,宣称他们自己有权就一切事宜为我们制定法律。


  他宣布我们已不属他保护之列,并对我们作战,从而放弃了在这里的政务。


  他在我们的海域大肆掠夺,蹂躏我们沿海地区,焚烧我们的城镇,残害我们人民的生命。


  他此时正在运送大批外国佣兵来完成屠杀、破坏和肆虐的勾当,这种勾当早就开始,其残酷卑劣甚至在最野蛮的时代都难以找到先例。他完全不配作为一个文明国家的元首。


  他在公海上俘虏我们的同胞,强迫他们拿起武器来反对自己的国家,成为残杀自己亲人和朋友的刽子手,或是死于自己的亲人和朋友的手下。


  他在我们中间煽动内乱,并且竭力挑唆那些残酷无情、没有开化的印第安人来杀掠我们边疆的居民;而众所周知,印第安人的作战规律是不分男女老幼,一律格杀勿论的。


  在这些压迫的每一陷阶段中,我们都是用最谦卑的言辞请求改善;但屡次请求所得到的答复是屡次遭受损害。一个君主,当他的品格已打上了暴君行为的烙印时,是不配作自由人民的统治者的。


  我们不是没有顾念我们英国的弟兄。我们时常提醒他们,他们的立法机关企图把无理的管辖权横加到我们的头上。我们也曾把我们移民来这里和在这里定居的情形告诉他们。我们曾经向他们天生的正义善感和雅量呼吁,我们恳求他们念在同种同宗的份上,弃绝这些掠夺行为,以免影响彼此的关系和往来。但是他们对于这种正义和血缘的呼声,也同样充耳不闻。因此,我们实在不得不宣布和他们脱离,并且以对待世界上其它民族一样的态度对待他们:和我们作战,就是敌人;和我们和好,就是朋友。


  因此,我们,在大陆会议下集会的美利坚联盟代表,以各殖民地善良人民的名义,并经他们授权,向全世界最崇高的正义呼吁,说明我们的严正意向,同时郑重宣布;这些联合一致的殖民地从此是自由和独立的国家,并且按其权利也必须是自由和独立的国家,它们取消一切对英国王室效忠的义务,它们和大不列颠国家之间的一切政治关系从此全部断绝,而且必须断绝;作为自由独立的国家,它们完全有权宣战、缔和、结盟、通商和采取独立国家有权采取的一切行动。


  为了支持这篇宣言,我们坚决信赖上帝的庇佑,以我们的生命、我们的财产和我们神圣的名誉,彼此宣誓。
 楼主| zhuzige 发表于 2010-5-5 20:49 | 显示全部楼层 来自: 中国–北京–北京 联通
英文原文
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
  First Draft
  When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for a people to advance from that subordination in which they have hitherto remained, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's god entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the change
  We hold these truths to be [sacred and undeniable] selfevident, that all men are created equal and independent; that from that equal creation they derive in rights inherent and inalienables, among which are the preservation of life, and liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these ends, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government shall become destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing it's powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes: and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. but when a long train of abuses and usurpations, begun at a distinguished period, and pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to [subject] reduce them to arbitrary power, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. --
  Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to expunge their former systems of government. the history of his present majesty is a history of unremitting injuries and usurpations, among which no fact stands single or solitary to contradict the uniform tenor of the rest, all of which have in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. to prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world, for the truth of which we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood.
  Second Draft
  In Congress, July 4, 1776,
  THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
  When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the Powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
  We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.
  That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
  That whenever any form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to the m shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Des potism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.
  Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
  He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
  He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
  He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
  He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
  He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
  He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
  He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands .
  He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.
  He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
  He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our People, and eat out their substance.
  He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.
  He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.
  He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:
  For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
  For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
  For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
  For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
  For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:
  For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:
  For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into t hese Colonies:
  For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our Governments:
  For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
  He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.
  He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the Lives of our people.
  He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the H ead of a civilized nation.
  He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
  He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
  In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
  Nor have We been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and sett lement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf t o the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.
  We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Bri tain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. An d for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
  JOHN HANCOCK, President
  Attested, CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary
  New Hampshire: JOSIAH BARTLETT, WILLIAM WHIPPLE, MATTHEW THORNTON
  Massachusetts-Bay: SAMUEL ADAMS, JOHN ADAMS, ROBERT TREAT PAINE, ELBRIDGE GERRY
  Rhode Island: STEPHEN HOPKINS, WILLIAM ELLERY
  Connecticut: ROGER SHERMAN, SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, WILLIAM WILLIAMS, OLIVER WOLCOTT
  Georgia: BUTTON GWINNETT, LYMAN HALL, GEO. WALTON
  Maryland: SAMUEL CHASE, WILLIAM PACA, THOMAS STONE, CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON
  Virginia: GEORGE WYTHE, RICHARD HENRY LEE, THOMAS JEFFERSON, BENJAMIN HARRISON, THOMAS NELSON, JR., FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE, CARTER BRAXTON.
  New York: WILLIAM FLOYD, PHILIP LIVINGSTON, FRANCIS LEWIS, LEWIS MORRIS
  Pennsylvania: ROBERT MORRIS, BENJAMIN RUSH, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, JOHN MORTON, GEORGE CLYMER, JAMES SMITH, GEORGE TAYLOR, JAMES WILSON, GEORGE ROSS
  Delaware: CAESAR RODNEY, GEORGE READ, THOMAS M'KEAN
  North Carolina: WILLIAM HOOPER, JOSEPH HEWES, JOHN PENN
  South Carolina: EDWARD RUTLEDGE, THOMAS HEYWARD, JR., THOMAS LYNCH, JR., ARTHUR MIDDLETON
  New Jersey: RICHARD STOCKTON, JOHN WITHERSPOON, FRANCIS HOPKINS, JOHN HART, ABRAHAM CLARK
  Pennsylvania: Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross
  Delaware: Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas McKean
  Maryland: Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll of Carrollton
  Virginia: George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton
  North Carolina: William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn
  South Carolina: Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton
  Georgia: Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton.
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yuwenhuajia 发表于 2010-5-5 20:59 | 显示全部楼层 来自: 中国–山东–泰安 电信
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Herschel 发表于 2010-5-5 21:01 | 显示全部楼层 来自: 中国–江苏–连云港 移动
送你两张图,以发扬水版精神。

                               
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Herschel 发表于 2010-5-5 21:06 | 显示全部楼层 来自: 中国–江苏–连云港 移动
本帖最后由 Herschel 于 2010-5-5 21:14 编辑

再送一张《人权宣言》

                               
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     法国国民议会,颁布时间:1789年8月26日
     起草:穆尼埃
     不满路易十六召开的三级会议的人们愤而组成国民议会,并提出制定宪法的要求,路易十六却强令解散议会,并且调集大批军队集结巴黎附近。民众们推翻了国王,并且开始以新的理想来设计国家的方向。代表认为,无视、遗忘或蔑视人权是公众不幸和government腐败的唯一原因,所以决定把自然的、不可剥夺的和神圣的人权阐明于庄严的宣言之中,以便本宣言可以经常呈现在社会各个成员之前,使他们不断地想到他们的权利和义务;以便立法权的决议和行政权的决定能随时和整个政治机构的目标两相比较,从而能更加受到他们的尊重;以便公民们今后以简单而无可争辩的原则为根据的那些要求能确保宪法与全体幸福之维护。
     因此,国民议会在上帝面前并在他的庇护之下确认了十七条权利,它庄严宣布:
  第一条


  在权利方面,人们生来是而且始终是自由平等的。除了依据公共利益而出现的社会差别外,其他社会差别,一概不能成立。


  第二条


  任何政治结合的目的都在于保护人的自然的和不可动摇的权利。这些权利就是自由、财产、安全和反抗压迫。


  第三条


  整个主权的本原,主要是寄托于国民。任何团体、任何个人都不得行使主权所未明白授予的权力。


  第四条


  自由就是指有权从事一切无害于他人的行为。因此,各人的自然权利的行使,只以保证社会上其他成员能享有同样权利为限制。此等限制仅得由法律规定之。


  第五条


  法律仅有权禁止有害于社会的行为。凡未经法律禁止的行为即不得受到妨碍,而且任何人都不得被迫从事法律所未规定的行为。


  第六条


  法律是公共意识的表现。全国公民都有权亲身或经由其代表去参与法律的制定。法律对于所有的人,无论是施行保护或处罚都是一样的。在法律面前,所有的公民都是平等的,故他们都能平等地按其能力担任一切官职、公共职位和职务,除德行和才能上的差别外不得有其他差别。


  第七条


  除非在法律所规定的情况下并按照法律所指示的手续,不得控告、逮捕或拘留任何人。凡动议、发布、执行或令人执行专断命令者应受处罚;但根据法律而被传唤或被扣押的公民应当立即服从;抗拒则构成犯罪。


  第八条


  法律只应规定确实需要和显然不可少的刑罚,而且除非根据在犯法前已经制定和公布的且系依法施行的法律以外,不得处罚任何人。


  第九条


  任何人在其未被宣告为犯罪以前应被推定为无罪,即使认为必须予以逮捕,但为扣留其人身所不需要的各种残酷行为都应受到法律的严厉制裁。


  第十条


  意见的发表只要不扰乱法律所规定的公共秩序,任何人都不得因其意见、甚至信教的意见而遭受干涉。


  第十一条


  自由传达思想和意见是人类最宝贵的权利之一;因此,各个公民都有言论、著述和出版的自由,但在法律所规定的情况下,应对滥用此项自由负担责任。


  第十二条


  人权的保障需要有武装的力量;因此,这种力量是为了全体的利益而不是为了此种力量的受任人的个人利益而设立的。


  第十三条


  为了武装力量的维持和行政管理的支出,公共赋税就成为必不可少的;赋税应在全体公民之间按其能力作平等的分摊。


  第十四条


  所有公民都有权亲身或由其代表来确定赋税的必要性,自由地加以认可,注意其用途,决定税额、税率、客体、征收方式和时期。


  第十五条


  社会有权要求机关公务人员报告其工作。


  第十六条


  凡个人权利无切实保障和分权未确立的社会,就没有宪法。


  第十七条


  私人财产神圣不可侵犯,除非当合法认定的公共需要所显然必需时,且在公平而预先赔偿的条件下,任何人的财产不得受到剥夺。
  第一条


  在权利方面,人们生来是而且始终是自由平等的。除了依据公共利益而出现的社会差别外,其他社会差别,一概不能成立。


  第二条


  任何政治结合的目的都在于保护人的自然的和不可动摇的权利。这些权利就是自由、财产、安全和反抗压迫。


  第三条


  整个主权的本原,主要是寄托于国民。任何团体、任何个人都不得行使主权所未明白授予的权力。


  第四条


  自由就是指有权从事一切无害于他人的行为。因此,各人的自然权利的行使,只以保证社会上其他成员能享有同样权利为限制。此等限制仅得由法律规定之。


  第五条


  法律仅有权禁止有害于社会的行为。凡未经法律禁止的行为即不得受到妨碍,而且任何人都不得被迫从事法律所未规定的行为。


  第六条


  法律是公共意识的表现。全国公民都有权亲身或经由其代表去参与法律的制定。法律对于所有的人,无论是施行保护或处罚都是一样的。在法律面前,所有的公民都是平等的,故他们都能平等地按其能力担任一切官职、公共职位和职务,除德行和才能上的差别外不得有其他差别。


  第七条


  除非在法律所规定的情况下并按照法律所指示的手续,不得控告、逮捕或拘留任何人。凡动议、发布、执行或令人执行专断命令者应受处罚;但根据法律而被传唤或被扣押的公民应当立即服从;抗拒则构成犯罪。


  第八条


  法律只应规定确实需要和显然不可少的刑罚,而且除非根据在犯法前已经制定和公布的且系依法施行的法律以外,不得处罚任何人。


  第九条


  任何人在其未被宣告为犯罪以前应被推定为无罪,即使认为必须予以逮捕,但为扣留其人身所不需要的各种残酷行为都应受到法律的严厉制裁。


  第十条


  意见的发表只要不扰乱法律所规定的公共秩序,任何人都不得因其意见、甚至信教的意见而遭受干涉。


  第十一条


  自由传达思想和意见是人类最宝贵的权利之一;因此,各个公民都有言论、著述和出版的自由,但在法律所规定的情况下,应对滥用此项自由负担责任。


  第十二条


  人权的保障需要有武装的力量;因此,这种力量是为了全体的利益而不是为了此种力量的受任人的个人利益而设立的。


  第十三条


  为了武装力量的维持和行政管理的支出,公共赋税就成为必不可少的;赋税应在全体公民之间按其能力作平等的分摊。


  第十四条


  所有公民都有权亲身或由其代表来确定赋税的必要性,自由地加以认可,注意其用途,决定税额、税率、客体、征收方式和时期。


  第十五条


  社会有权要求机关公务人员报告其工作。


  第十六条


  凡个人权利无切实保障和分权未确立的社会,就没有宪法。


  第十七条


  私人财产神圣不可侵犯,除非当合法认定的公共需要所显然必需时,且在公平而预先赔偿的条件下,任何人的财产不得受到剥夺。
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徐1982 发表于 2010-5-5 21:14 | 显示全部楼层 来自: 中国–辽宁–葫芦岛 电信
人人生而平等,造物者赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利,在书店看到的翻译变成了人类生而平等,虽然只有一字之差但是含义却有很大的不同,人类变成了广义的概念。而人人却与每个人息息相关
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kson 发表于 2010-5-5 21:23 | 显示全部楼层 来自: 中国–广东–佛山–南海区 电信
历史书白读了,虽然我理科好但最终选择了文科
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徐1982 发表于 2010-5-5 22:32 | 显示全部楼层 来自: 中国–辽宁–葫芦岛 电信
托马斯·杰斐逊. 尔曼
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独立宣言原稿
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